Saturday, May 31, 2008

Nikol Pashinian

I've been away, but now I'm back. This article by Pashinian is simply called "Nikol Pashinian." He must have left it untitled. Comrade Hrand from the ARF plays a leading role.

Nikol Pashinian

The Third Republic's first narcotics baron Hrand Markarian had perhaps sampled the concoction called "Euphoria" [1] before his speech at the ARF's General Convention, or at least that is the impression he made on us with his speech made during the opening of the conference. But, of course, it cannot be ruled out that the euphoria was of a spontaneous, sui generis, origin, especially since it took place during a 6-hour period.

Comrade [2] Hrand has good reason for [experiencing] spontaneous euphoria. A considerable portion of his clientele has been relocated to the Presidential seating area, meaning his business is going to grow. But there are other reasons [for the euphoria], too: March 1st's blood bargain turned out well, and the Aghvan-Levon-Davit trio's gold-rich vein that is in his hands remained unharmed. Ever since the day that Robert Kocharian's backer Kuku carelessly harassed the ARF-member Poghos Poghosian, comrade Hrand knows full well how "unclaimed" corpses turn-up for sale. He is still a little jumpy today because the bargain is not yet complete. But what is it that comrade Hrand [himself] says? He says that the national movement is the expression of another conspiracy. What I have to say about this is that, all in all, it was a few months ago that a document bearing Serzh Sargsyan's signature was published in our paper, [a document] in which Serzh Sargsyan accuses comrade Hrand and his friends of having ties with foreign intelligence agencies [3]. But why stray from the matter: How many US citizens, Europeans, and foreigners in general are to be found in the bureau headed by comrade Hrand, or even in the GC [ARF General Convention], itself? What right do they have involving themselves in political activities in the Republic of Armenia, and whom do they represent? And why hasn't comrade Hrand noticed who it was that expressed his thanks to a leader of a foreign country "for the help that he evidenced during the pre-election and post-election periods"? [4]

Talking about foreign conspiracies is a necessary thing, though: otherwise, how can opening fire on one's own people be explained or be justified? Alas, they weren't one's own people, but foreign conspirators, and they, too, were armed with "kontry-kontry" missiles [5]; didn't Rob [6] say that there was an atomic bomb in Khachatur Sukyasian's pocket? What else does comrade Hrand say? The financial sources of the national movement seem suspicious to him. One can't blame him; he knows three sources available for [financing] political activity: narco-business, rackets, and international conspiracies. Given his mastery of the first two markets, he knows that the national movement is not being funded by them. The third "market" he knows, partially, meaning that for him there exist in that field of knowledge one or two lacunae; hence [for him], this means that the national movement is being funded by those very lacunae [i.e., sources he is ignorant of and that exist in the shadows for him].

For the sake of those who don't know, let me say that this is called logic: induction and deduction. There is no secret involved here. Why, what are brains for? What else does comrade Hrand say? Terrible spectacles of street warfare appear to him--simply terrifying. ARF-er Dro's body is veritably turning over in his grave; he cannot stand such sights. It is much more suited to his tastes when you simply enter someone's house with a few people and pop him right there, or wait for him in the vestibule [7]. Comrade Hrand is flabbergasted: why did Levon Ter-Petrossian name generals? Comrade Hrand doesn't like talking about generals. It is much more convenient to hit Vazgen, to throw it around Vano's neck (the failed national program of 1995). Of course, we don't have the subtle palate of comrade Hrand or his leadership. We simplemindedly say whatever comes into our minds, whereas some go about their business with a Perso-Azerbaijani slyness. And it is delightful to see these people who have appeared on the arena due to a change in circumstances scream about how indispensable it is that the "guilty criminals" be punished.

P.S. It seems that the Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan has chosen for himself the role of a clown. If you pay attention, you'll notice that all of his speeches are composed of 14 ideas. The speeches differ [only] in their orderings and sequencings of these ideas. If he mentions one idea first in this speech, then it becomes idea number 8 in the next speech, idea number 8 becomes number thirteen, and so on. As an ardent supporter of a prosperous [new] era, I want to call Mr. Sargsyan's attention to yet another idea, and I hope that it merits becoming idea number 15 in his idea list. The idea is the following: "And in particular in any case it is apparent that." Clearly, this idea would have embellished the program of the coalition's leadership.

1. I'm guessing he's referring to the recreational drug called "Ecstacy" in the US.
2. ARF-ers often call one another "friend," or comrade. Pashinian is playing off of this.
3. Here and elsewhere, Pashinian uses the phrase "special services," but I've decided to use the phrase more commonly used in American English "intelligence agencies" because, based on his descriptions in his writings of what the "special services" do, it is pretty obvious that they perform functions that are similar to intelligence agencies like the FBI and CIA (back before the Pentagon started taking them over, anyway), although I'm not sure whether "special services" doesn't combine the domestic and foreign specializations that the FBI and CIA are very territorial about.
4. I'm pretty sure that would be Kocharian thanking Putin. Pashinian wrote an article about it not long ago.
5. Meaning Inter-continental ballistic missiles (ICBMs). I think Pashinian is making fun of Kocharian's Russian/Gharabagh accent and illiteracy when it comes to speaking in Armenian, something Kocharian, by his own admission, is not very good at. I've paralleled in English what Pashinian does in Armenian, which is to render the word "country" with a Russian accent. Kocharian, apparently, at some point, called ICBM's "country-country" missiles, and he did so with a Russian bumpkin's accent, "kontry-kontry."
6. "Rob" is Kocharian's nickname, one he doesn't like, judging by the fact that his bodyguards once beat a man to death for calling him "Private Rob." The man's name was Poghos Poghosian, he was a Georgian citizen, and he was beaten to death on September 25th, 2001, at "Aragast" coffee house. See here.
7. "Podyetz" in Russian.

Wednesday, May 14, 2008

Pashinian: One Million Citizens, 24 Hours.

In this essay, among other things, like outlining a clear plan, Pashinian makes a crucial distinction between the presence of a majority in society and the public acknowledgement of that majority's existence. That split is the focus of the game.

Pashinian: One Million Citizens, 24 Hours.

The national movement led by the first President of Armenia, Levon Ter-Petrossian, truly has such a large number of committed adherents that in political science it is acceptable to characterize them as a "critical mass." What can be said of this? It is probably not the best phrase, especially with regard to its application to our movement, but unfortunately a better one has not yet been found.

With this in mind, I will use the formulation "decisive majority" to include in the concept the majority character of the people, who are in a position in the country to take over the government or, more correctly, to decide the government's fate. Accordingly, the movement led by Levon Ter-Petrossian was already a decisive majority even before the Presidential elections, but after the events following February 19th and especially after the criminal acts realized by the government on March 1st, the number of committed adherents to the national movement grew by at least 2.5 times. Being a decisive majority is an indespensible--but not sufficient--precondition for the realization of a change in government; it is important, too, that that majority be able to "manifest" itself, to show itself and manifest its will and determination, because the crimial government, having no majority whatsoever, compensates for that lack by using the police and military. The institutions of violence [military, etc.] are used with the intention of preventing the decisive majority from making its presence known; moving against this, the decisive majority's pursuit shatters the military's and police force's will to serve the government because, you will agree, it is not possible to endlessly arrest, judge, and God forbid, massacre [the people]. These kinds of things happen under tyrannous governments, because in the case of Democratic countries, the decisive civilian majority is able to make its presence palpable through simple government elections. The government falsified the results of the 2008 elections. The national movement led by Levon Ter-Petrossian was confident that it had the decisive civilian majority in Armenia. But that majority was not allowed to come onto the scene and loudly voice its presence through voting--it had to find another way of making its presence known.

That way was found: Peaceful, round-the-clock sit-ins at Freedom Plaza. It must be noted that the sit-ins necessarily could not have lasted one or two days, because it is not possible to gather the decisive majority together in one place in one day, and even if it were possible, a one day gathering can be seen as a sudden flare-up, and its coming to a close, as the end. Thus began the mobilization of the decisive civilian majority of the R.A. [Republic of Armenia] on February 21st, 2008. This was a big risk for Ter-Petrossian's team because, just as the government had done everything that it could to prevent a decisive majority from forming around the First President, so it was doing everything it could to prevent this majority from coming out and making its presence known at Freedom Plaza. Moreover, Sargsyan tried to prove that the decisive civilian majority of the R.A. was on his side. It was for this reason that, on February 26th, Serge Sargsyan organized a gathering at Republic Square, a gathering which, as is well known, became a humiliating defeat for the acting government. Through the use of different levers, the people who had been brought to Republic Square [by the Kocharian/Sargsyan camp to "support" Sargsyan] moved to Freedom Square and began chanting "Levon!" and "Serzhik, out of here!" Four-hundred-and-fifty-thousand to 500,000 people participated in the gathering on that day. This constituted a powerful blow to the criminalocracy, but the Kocharian-Sargsyan pair was not preparing to yield. Serzh Sargsyan began working on forming a coalition, winning Arthur Baghdassarian and Vahan Hovhannisian over to his side and trying to create an immitation decisive majority for himself in this way. The grass-roots movement was ready for the progression of events in such a direction, and it was announced from Freedom square that the number of Armenian citizens that would be participating in the gathering on the coming Sunday, March the 2nd, would be one million. This gathering was to decisively settle the question of the decisive majority's "showing itself," and the criminalocracy had but one solution: the violent solution. I am not going to mention the illegality of the the actions of the government on that day, first, because much has been said about that, and because it is outside our topic. I find it fitting to mention, instead, the issue that Hrand Ter-Abrahamian has discussed in one of his articles. The latter justly notes that, had the people resorted to a counter attack and had a revolt broken out, the issue of the government would have very quickly been settled: that is to say, the criminalocratic pair would have been removed from power. This, of course, is an unambiguous truth, and the question may well arise, Why, then, did it not take place? Mainly because of the fundamental reason that, in that case, we would have had not tens, but hundreds, if not thousands, of losses. Such a thing could not possibly have been allowed. And, generally speaking, the question that day was not victory (whom were we going to defeat, if the people standing before us were Armenian citizens like ourselves?) but the avoidance of defeat, and for that reason, on that day, there could have been talk of only self-defense. Returning to the main narrative, let me emphasize that the main purpose of all of the government's actions was but one: to deny the decisive civilian majority formed around Levon Ter-Petrossian the ability to make its presence known and to announce itself, to degenerate its total unity. Not only the events of March 1st, but those preceding it, were in pursuit of this goal: a State of Emergency, the effective shutting-down of newspapers, mass arrests, terror, changes in the law, and the dissemination of misinformation. The unprecedented lengths of these actions eloquently demonstrated that a similarly unprecedented civilian majority has gathered around Levon Ter-Petrossian. And the purpose of the government was to get the civilian members of that majority to either withdraw their membership, to refrain from coming out publicly as members, or to deny them the ability to [do so].

Naturally, the issues concerning the national movement directly contradict the issues that the government has put before it. In the general scheme of things, the tasks that Ter-Petrossian's team has before it have not changed after March 1st: to show that the decisive civilian majority gathered around the first President continues to be, that it can show itself, and that it remains as resolute and diligent as before. The events following March 1st, whose culmination was the procession of April 24th, demonstrated that this is a wholly realizable matter and that the repressive measures taken by the government have yielded no positive results for them. There is no doubt that all that would be required for hundreds of thousands of people to show-up at Freedom square--tomorrow, even--would be a call put forth by Levon Ter-Petrossian, Stepan Demirdjian, Aram Zaveni Sargsian, and other political leaders. But there is [also] no doubt that an equal number of R.A. citizens who are ready to answer that call, under conditions of an information blockade, will not even hear it. Perhaps many people who consider themselves supporters of the national movement might not be able to make the decision to show-up at Freedom Plaza due to caution and uncertainty. There are many people who are under the spell of "Haylur" [television news] and are in need of real news and information.

In short, it is necessary to make it possible for these people to fully participate in the grass-roots movement, a job that up until March 1st was carried-out by Levon Ter-Petrossian's campaign teams, which up until March 1st and especially after March 1st were the target of fierce attacks. Regardless, as time went on, the campaign teams were [destined] to loose the principle governing their activities. Accordingly, under the present circumastances, the national movement has new organizational issues that it needs to deal with, issues that I have addressed in one of the previous essays that dealt with assembly groups, the network of oral information dispersal, the propagation and dispersal of DVDs, and other such questions.

And in spite of the fact that I believe that the youth is going to have a decisive role in these activities, the 2nd National Congress needs to stimulate the future development of this process that is moving along quite well. There are important things to do in Yerevan and, especially, in the provinces.

That which is related to the process of the national movement making its presence public as the decisive majority needs to be wed to the March 2nd--that is to say, the one-million strong--assembly. Of course, different assemblies and types of actions can take place before then. But the change in government, the destruction of the rule of criminals and thieves, and the final and decisive victory must take place in that very assembly, which will take place as "One Million People, 24 Hours." That is to say that one million people need to gather at Freedom Plaza and declare as the decisive civil majority of the R.A. that they are giving the government 24 hours--to leave. But in order to be able to organize such an assembly, it is necessary to have a clear mobilization network, a network whose progress and final form need to be the focus of our daily attention. Struggle, struggle, until the end.

Tuesday, May 13, 2008

Pashinian: The Oppositte Side of the World.

Tzitzernak is translating a rather special Pashinian piece that is coming out in installments in Paykar!. Jones no longer fellow Pashinian fans:

(Updated as the translations are posted)

Part 1
Part 2
Part 3
Part 4
Part 5
Part 6
Part 7
Part 8
Part 9
Part 10
Part 11
Part 12
Part 13
Part 14

I'm on a bit of an odyssey myself to the oppositte coast of America, to good old Glendale, as a matter of fact, and don't have as much time at my disposal, so I'm glad Tzitzernak picked-up on this piece.

Saturday, May 10, 2008

Pashinian: The KGB has lost. Pt. 5.

This is the final part of Pashinian's essay where, among other things, he drops the bombshell that he is going to come out of the underground any day now.

Pashinian: The KGB has lost, the KGB must be torn down. Pt. 5.

Cheap provocations

It is, of course, not possible to talk about the activities of the NSS during this period without mentioning the things it did during the gatherings at Freedom Plaza after February the 21st. As you know, two NSS agents engaging in acts of provocation were discovered at Freedom Square. They had been wired [i.e., were wearing secret microphones]. What were they doing at Freedom Square? They were planting things underneath the tents, planting weapons, grenades, and cocktail molotovs in the surrounding area. And they were carrying out "ideological work" with regard to the participants. Let's say that they would get into a regular conversation with one of the groups participating in the gathering, and at the opportune moment begin talking. Let's say that they would say things like, "No, bro. This won't work. These last few days, us standing at Opera [same as Freedom Square] has accomplished zip. You have to use force with this kind of people. Isn't it so?" Doubtless, several people would be found that would agree and say, Yeah, that's right. This would be recorded at the NSS. Let's say that, then, the provocateur would say something like, "The right way to go about this is to occupy the Presidential Building and the television station. We need to arm ourselves. Isn't that right?" Naturally, a conversation would start where ideas would be bandied about; those ideas would be recorded at the NSS, put into the form of a montage, and serve the purposes of the criminal act newly resurrected from the dead: As if the gathering's participants were preparing an armed assault, preparing a take-over of the television station, and so on. But, like I said, the KGB network has become so demoralized that its plans, the fiery speeches of its "intellectuals," and its "Haylur's" repulsive [television] coverage no longer had any effect on anybody, and on March 1st the criminalocracy was forced to remove its mask of piety and reveal its hideous, freakish face and uncover its criminal, immoral being.


I cannot posit that every NSS member countenanced the illegality, the immorality, and the betrayal of that which is good for the country's security. But if there are exceptions, then those are just that, exceptions, and as such guarantee the criminal nature of the network. Ultimately, today's NSS is a network whose criminal nature knows no limits. The evidence for this is the airing of [the image of] the chained national hero, Sasoon Mikaelian, on television. There is no base act that cannot be expected from that network. There is no base act that I've been told they might carry out to which I've responded, They wouldn't do that. Everything and anything can be expected from this network. And I wasn't a bit surprised to find out that to get me to surrender, they told my kids that they had the ability to kidnap them, and neither is the same in the least bit surprising to those who have that notorious fiend's, Dzerzhinski's, picture hanging from their walls. By the way, I would like to make a few observations about my present situation. Let it not be a kind of faintheartedness, but I want to honestly state that I don't like it when they say that I am in hiding. A man in hiding does not publish articles in newspapers, and publish them so intensively.

There are many people in Armenia who, in spite of being in their houses at night, visit their workplaces and even appear on live television, yet, nevertheless, lead hidden lives throughout. But I am generally underground today for two trivial reasons. First, I could not, like many of my friends, hand myself in to the NSS, because that would have been akin to surrendering to a kind of slavery. They weren't able to arrest me during those days, and now they cannot find me. And, truth be told, it gives me pleasure to know how nervous and agitated that makes them. And now about what I am preparing to do. When it becomes clear to all that the criminalocracy has not been able to accomplish the simple task of uncovering my whereabouts, I will have completed this stage of my work. A short while after the publication of this article [1], I am going to cut short my living underground, come out into the open, walk in the central district of my beloved Yerevan, smile at my beloved sisters and brothers, and I am going to continually struggle, struggle until the end.

P.S. At the beginning of this year, about 200 Republic of Mountainous Gharabagh NSS members were brought to Armenia who would show up to work every day at central headquarters and the territorial offices of the NSS. The Gharbagh NSS members did not have any concrete work to do--they were there to monitor their Armenian coworkers.

1. The article was published in Paykar! on April 28th.

Thursday, May 8, 2008

NPR lies and Socialism.

Nazarian posted a video produced by NPR about the ideas of Hernando de Soto, economist exraordinaire. De Soto argues that the absence of property rights and corruption are the reasons why "developing" countries, kind of like Armenia, are poor. This is obfuscation: he is reversing cause and effect: the corruption and lack of property rights are the effect of poverty, not the cause. And the ultimate cause of the poverty is unbridled capitalism.

I see this kind of obfuscation all the time, and it makes me want to reach through the screen and choke the liar expressing it, especially when it is disseminated through NPR. NPR, once upon a time, really was a National Public Radio, but for the last ten years or so, it has been nothing but a particularly pernicious propaganda outlet for the sly re-education of precisely the kind of college-educated, middle-class, latte-drinking liberals that the right likes to rail about.

When the right wing is talking to its supporters, it demonizes urban professionals as pretentious nobodies.

When the right wing is talking to urban professionals, it speaks through NPR, because, truth be told, the right really is trying to spread its radical, anti-enlightenment ideas to those among the "latte-drinkers" that are too distracted to notice.

So I've decided to address this treachery on the part of NPR and get down to the heart of a typical example of the false, partisan arguments that it broadcasts.

There are two components to every lie: the hidden false logic, and the way that the lie is told: logic and rhetoric. I am going to address the false logic, but the rhetoric definitely merits looking into: the way the scenes are set up, the music, the voice of the narrator, the nauseatingly thick praise of de Soto at the beginning to make de Soto the ass look like de Soto the prince, the contrast between "we" westerners and the earth-plowing coloreds of the "developing" world... The list goes on and on. All of that, the rhetoric, for another time. Let's dig into the logic of the argument.

Basically, de Soto is one apologist in the long line of apologists for capitalism starting, in our epoch, from Keynes, to Sachs, and now, him.

They write some batty paper explaining the rote inequalities and crises that capitalism produces as the fault of this or that scapegoat, like, for example, distance from the center, racial immaturity, corruption, and so on. Then some hireling PhD reads their batty paper, reports to his ruling elite bosses, and all of a sudden de Soto is a "celebrated" economist, the smartest guy since, erm, Alan Greenspan, don't you know.

It's all bullshit.

De Soto says that corruption is to blame for capitalism not working miracles in "developing" countries. What he is covering-up is that capitalism is the cause of the corruption. In a system where the rich necessarily get richer and the poor necessarily get poorer, the word "corruption" is nothing but the word that the rich use to entertain the poor's notion of ethicality. "Corruption" is "inequality" with ethics mixed in.

Who would say that Kocharian and Sargsyan and their cronies are not capitalists? They have the money and they have the power: meaning, they have capital. They are using that money and power (capital) to get more money and power (capital). That's capitalism. It's that obvious.

There is as much ethics in capitalism as there is ethics in mathematics. If you call Kocahrian "corrupt," then what you are doing is saying that his enjoyment of capitalism is going beyond a certain ethical limit.

Admit it.

Historically, this tendency for people to go beyond the ethical limit has been checked by the regulation of the economy. The state has said to the capitalists: you can't privately own the water supply of the country, you can't own the electricity, the roads, or any other vital resource a human being needs to live and work. That is what socialism really is: state regulation of the excesses of capitalism, the only thing standing between the people and the Kocharians of the world.

But all of that disappeared with, generally speaking, the (predictable) economic crisis of the 70s, infantile voters, and the monster named Reagan that they gave birth to, who started a trend of deregulation the hag mother of which was the banking deregulation of 1996: the--real--cause of the housing/mortgage crisis that is threatening the welfare of the entire world today.

And none of this is accidental, mind you. This is why de Soto is a lying crony. Those who do have capital don't want any competition. They make sure that the working class--read, erstwhile middle-class--remains ignorant, without capital, and at the mercy of the hate it has for the scapegoats that are put on the television for it to blame for its misery: homosexuals, "liberals," Mexicans, and, in Armenia, Levon Ter-Petrossian.

The poor people of Peru, or of Egypt, or of Armenia are poor because they have no capital and nothing to invest. All they can do is to go out and work for someone who does have capital and make enough to pay the bills and get by, if they're lucky. And they never make enough to be able to save, and even if they manage to save, inflation makes sure that their savings end up meaning nothing. That's not accidental.

Applied to Armenia, de Soto's bogus argument would be that Kocharian and Sargsyan corrupted the system that would have worked otherwise. But the real question is: Who corrupted Kocharian and Sargsyan? Who? The answer is the World Bank, the IMF, and the Millenium Fund that sent billions of dollars of--unmonitored--money in their direction. These institutions are happy to loan money to--read, buy Armenian children's lives from--Kocharian and Sargsyan, because on top of everything else, they get deregulation of state services in Armenia. That's not accidental, either.

The truth is the exact opposite of what de Soto says: Developing countries aren't poor because their corrupt local governments keep them like that, no. Developing countries are poor because rapacious--global--capital corrupts local governments, then hides behind the people it has corrupted and gives the microphone to useful idiots like de Soto to spread his personal confusion far and wide.

And that's how we all became slaves.

Wednesday, May 7, 2008

Pashinian: The KGB has lost. Pt. 4

Here, Pashinian describes the NSS's various--I'd even say "pornographic"--defeats and demonstrates why they were inevitable.

Pashinian: The KGB has lost, the KGB must be torn down. Pt. 4.

The Crisis of the KGB

I noted above that the KGB has not noticed the fact of Armenia's independence--a sad fact for the KGB. They have not noticed yet another, for-them-sad fact: that their cult's previous Soviet KGB underwent a humiliating defeat in its global struggle, and the proof for that is the collapse of the USSR, which created it, the KGB. And today, KGB members do not want to accept that the collapse of the USSR was not the result of foreign activity in the country, but the result of the activities of the KGB. This decayed system had become the people's enemy and the main obstacle barring their progress.

One would think that the the non-existence of an acceptance of this fact would, naturally, help the country's NSS inadvertently become covered by gangrene and suffer humiliating defeats. And that is exactly what happened. The higher-ups of the NSS began using its "growing influence" for their own personal prosperity. What happened was that the KGB clique fervently achieved its independence and began sticking its nose in different business markets. The one who blew the whistle on this situation most ardently was the NSS's former assistant to the chief, Gregory Harutiunyan, who, as it turned out, was engaged in banana "contraband." This fact became known to the public after Robert Kocharian relieved him from his post as assistant to the chief of the NSS. Yet those people are mistaken who think that the cause of Harutiunyan's firing was his occupation with banana "contraband." Kocharian always knew about that business and decided to fire Harutiunyan only when Harutiunyan began cheating them. Two circumstances speak to the truth of this conjecture: first, they did not put Harutiunyan on trial after firing him, which means that they wanted to keep things quiet; and, second, Harutiunian, while assistant to the head of the NSS, was involved in the construction of buildings on Buzand Street through his firm, "Griar," which fact means that engaging in the business of the assistant to the head is an acceptable thing for Robert Kocharian, because "Griar" had for many years explicitly developed its activities, and the name of the firm had been fashioned out of the name of the head of the NSS at that time: Gr[i]gory Arutziunyan. All of the assistants of the head of the NSS are in one way or another involved in business and are millionaires. And it should be recognized that, in this sense, Gorik Hakobian is the one most pitiable. Between us, inside the walls of the network, they call him "dodzig," the consummate Leonid Ilych Brezhnev, whom they have appointed to that post to keep it occupied and prevent internal quarrels from arising over it.

The vice [in the context of what the NSS should actually be up to] of business has seriously spread throughout the NSS. The heads of the territorial organizations stand guard [1] over different businesses and objectives. Of course, not everyone can partake of the "harvest," and, as with the general public, so with the members of the NSS, among whom the gap between the rich and the poor is widening. One would think that under these circumstances, the network would become entirely demoralized and suffer humiliating defeats. And the criminal activities incited against Murad Bojolian, the lawyer Vahe Grigorian, and the former head of the FM [Foreign Ministry of Armenia] Alexander Arzumanian, who turned the NSS into a universal laughingstock, became the occasions for just those types of humiliating defeats. But these were just the flowers, the big defeats were to come later [2].

On an Autumn day in 2007, it became clear that the special services of Azerbaijan had infiltrated the Foreign Ministry of Armenia's [computer] network and "pulled" all of the information stored there: the archives, diplomatic memos, secret files, and even personal e-mails. We can put it down in writing now that Armenia's diplomatic corps does not have one secret that Azerbaijan does not know. The newspapers found out about this only accidentally, and one must not fail to mention that other slave-monitoring institutions [3] have met with the same fate, because it is hardly likely that they would have had better protection than that provided for the Foreign Ministry's network--and the organization in charge of this protection is the NSS. To date, no one has been held responsible for this disgrace at the NSS, because Robert Kocharian knows well that he has devoted the NSS to the struggle against the Opposition or, more correctly, Levon Ter-Petrossian, and the resources available for the struggle against Azerbaijan have waned.

It has been the NSS's ironic fate, however, to have had to bear defeat in its struggle against Levon Ter-Petrossian as well. The purpose of the titanic efforts made by the NSS was to keep Levon Ter-Petrossian from once again assuming the leadership of Armenia, keep him from gathering together the Opposition, and keep him from creating a grassroots movement involving all of the people--they couldn't do it. It turns out that the agents of influence planted in the various parties, blackmail, and the "treatments" given to activists did not mitigate the course of events. And if we put into this context the events of March 1st and the repression that followed them, then they, by their very essence, remind one of the KGB putsch that took place in the USSR in 1990 that turned into the the swan song of the KGB. There is no doubt that the KGB conspiracy in Armenia will merit the same fate, and in this case, exactly, we need to proceed with caution so that we don't steer our country, the Republic of Armenia, towards an impasse and issues that can not be resolved. And everything is going in just that direction.

1. "«կռիշ» են կանգնում." I'm guessing two things: that this is Gharabagh slang, and that it means "stand guard"?
2. Pashinian is being a bad boy here.
3. Meaning other Armenian ministries and institutions during Kocharian/Sargsyan.

Tuesday, May 6, 2008

Pashinian: The KGB has lost. Pt. 3

Pashinian describes the NSS/KGB's carrot-and-stick method of controlling people and the role of the appearance of a certain "Eyes Wide Shut" type of a club in Armenia. Note well that Pashinian is bringing into the conversation important changes in sexual practice that a portion of the Armenian upper-middle class is adopting, namely, wife-swapping. Sexuality is, of course, a big part of life, but whether KGB or Victorian England ways of alleviating its repression's hardships are--desirable--is a very big question. In any case, the very possible brutality of this way of living is palpable: the women have the role of commodities; as for the men, obviously they are not free enough not to have to use others as a means to an end.

Pashinian: The KGB has lost, the KGB must be torn down. Pt. 3

The country's elite weighed down on my heart

Before we continue with the story of the degradation of the NSS [the National Security Services, which is sort of like the FBI (inerior intelligence) vs. the CIA (exterior intelligence) and generally like the Interior Ministry of any given country], let us note yet another Serzhokocharianic method of using special operations for their own pursuits. [When they got into power] Serzh and Kocharian quickly found out that it is possible to gain a serious political trump card by investigating people's pasts and personal lives. They quickly understood that this potential source of power of the special operations was not being exploited. And so, they began using it. It turns out that during the Soviet period, an entire portion of the country's scientific, cultural, and political elite was not able to escape the malfeasant guilt of becoming KGB agents. Those people--academics, famous actors, cherished painters and singers, political leaders--have [outed] their friends, relatives, and famous contemporaries [as Enemies of the People] in official documents, and if these documents ever become public, they will immediately become nothings. The documents are kept in the archives of the KGB, and the master of those archives is the Serzh Sargsyan, the President of the RA. Consequently, the resolution of the question of their fate is in his hands. The criminalocratic pair uses this tool expertly and thereby gains a reliable bolster for itself in public political life. Those "famous intellectuals," scientists, and artists who have earned their reputations through their cooperation with the KGB's pursuit of "Enemies of the People," [today] lend their covert or explicit support to the criminalocracy during critical moments and sing the praises of the "Great Leaders" in their public speeches. They, of course, do not disclose the fact that the "intellectuals" who support Kocharian and Sargsyan are all KGB agents, but their numbers and the assistance that they lend to the government is sufficient to produce an agreeable intellectual climate. I have already spoken about president of the NAS [Nation Academy of Sciences] Radik Martirosyan's KGB past in a previous publication. Before becoming the president of the NAS, he was the rector of YSU [Yerevan State University]. Imagine how many people he could have thrown into Serzh's bottomless pit, stopping at nothing; isn't it true, after all, that he is motivated by a deadly fear? But in order that Radik Martirosyan's case not appear singular, I will now discuss yet another subject, because that which he allowed himself to do under Serzh Sargsyan's immediate guidance is the most base act of them all. I am speaking about Fadey Sargsyan, the former president of the NAS, about whom our television stations are showing films that depict him as a supreme human being. This supreme human being--around the time of the disarranged 1998 elections, when Karen Demirjian had victoriously returned to political life and become a terror to Robert Kocharian's career, Serzh Sargsyan had Fadey Sargsyan wear a wire [electronic eavesdropping equipment] and sent him to meet with presidential candidate Karen Demirchian. Karen Demirchian naturally received his "friend," "comrade in arms," and neighbor and had an honest discussion with him about his political and future plans, without at all suspecting that Robert Kocharian and Serzh Sargsyan were directly listening to his discussion and that Fadey Sargsyan was, not conversing with him, but--interviewing him using a list of questions prepared by Serzh Sargsyan. It must be assumed that these kinds of conversations were carried out on a regular basis, but, to be honest, I am aware of only one such case. And there you have it: "Great Deeds."

But in public political life there are also young people that have not had connections to the KGB. How should they be treated? [Pashinian is asking this question from Kocharian/Sargsyan's point of view]. Their lives should be put under the microscope. If their lives contain nothing that is compromising, then it is necessary to dig into the life-histories of their relatives and find something that is compromising. Of course, compromising facts of a sexual nature have always been considered to be the best ones. People sometimes have unusual inclinations: One likes to have sex with men, while being a man, himself; another betrays his wife, has a lover, or spends time with prostitutes; a third's wife is unfaithful to him; a fourth visits suspicious clubs with his own wife. Naturally, the National Security Service must spend time investigating these matters, preparing relevant dossiers, and securing them with "video-materials."

In other words, if someone is gay, the NSS must take photographs of him, photograph the sexual act. This is not an easy thing to do, you understand, and requires physical access, technical equipment, and detailed plans of operations and their realization. And our country's National Security has carried out numerous such operations. If you have been surprised by any given politician's sudden reversal of position, betrayal, don't be: It means that that politician or his relatives have engaged in one or another kind of shady dealings or have unusual sexual preferences. People are wont to explain the "sale" of our political functionaries through the money factor. What can be said about this? Money does play a decisive role in all this, but, in order to put the person in the mood to be sold for money, they first present him with the compromising fact. This is logical, because, after taking the money, the person in question might decide to change his mind; it is, therefore, necessary to have something on him. And, on the other hand, the mere operation to put someone in a compromised situation renders "the victim" hostile toward "the client," which is an unacceptable situation. This is the famous biscuit and whip [the carrot and the stick] method. And, incidentally, notice how well Serzh Sargsyan's favorite word--"customer"--fits the situation described. And now, as a summary of this chapter, let me tell the story of a government functionary and his family, a story of events that have been essential in the internal progress of the country.

It turns out that there is a club in Armenia that married couples go to, meaning--the husband goes there with his wife. Numerous other couples go there as well, and the point of [going to the] club is to swap partners. In other words, the members of the club hand their wives over to others for a few hours, and they, themselves, choose another woman. After this club gathering, they go home again as a loving married couple. There are similar such clubs in numerous other countries, and it is natural the NSS would not fail to notice the appearance of one in our country and, especially, the political figures turning up there. And while some cannot understand the meaning of recent events and the political bobbings up-and-down, everything is extremely clear: The NSS has the relevant photographs.

Incidently, during the compilations of shared lists undertaken by political parties here and in nearby governments, the NSS factor is taken into consideration--how it has a dossier on this or that individual. The thicker the dossier, the more suitable the given person is considered to be for working as a deputy in Parliament. Of course, if it is possible to have people like that in the Opposition, then that is considered a big success. In general, the NSS expends enormous resources and time in the effort to secretly listen to the conversations of the Opposition, plant operatives around them, and realize other such operations. But Armenian KGB agents have remained on the level of the eighties, and it is not difficult for serious people to notice and predict their operations, operatives, and provocateurs.

Thursday, May 1, 2008

Six-part television interview with Pashinian.

I just came across this recently uploaded, February 18th (2008) television interview with Pashinian, with the interviewer asking the standard ridiculous questions and Pashinian demolishing them one by one:

Parts: one two three four five six

Compare that with this two-part interview with Kocharian from 1998, where Kocharian says he's going to be taking Armenian lessons if he becomes President, muses on the pleasure of punishment, and generally behaves almost exactly like the crude, limited, KGB minion who cares nothing about Armenia that Pashinian and Ter-Petrossian have described him as. His body language--the way he sits sinking in the chair with his legs apart, the way his chin thrusts forward and lower lip curves maliciously in a sneer, the way his eyes keep shifting like those of a violent criminal trying to come up with a lie--is literally revulsive.

Parts: one two

Happy May Day !

The quality of the light coming through the window, the silhouette of the dancers elegant hands, the history of May Day, and of course the duduk: Politics is aesthetics pursued by different means.

And to think that this beautiful dance happened in someone's living room with kitchen utensils striking plates in the background and creaking hardwood floors. It makes you wonder how such beauty could be produced in such a domestic setting.