This installment wraps-up Pashinian's analytical essay. Here, he continues to debunk the government's legitimacy by consistently eating through its main support beams with the ferocious patience of a robotic-termite infestation. He also rebuts the accusation that the Opposition is "full of hatred." People living in the US will no doubt be familiar with this particularly sly and pernicious attack, having heard it ad nauseam, and I'm glad he addressed it. Like Clinton and McCain, the Kocharian horde says one thing, does another, and blames what it is doing on its opponent; and like Obama, Pashinian patiently and clearly tells the truth to the people, slowly and steadily gains their trust and support, and gives them hope.
Nikol Pashinian's Analytical essay: up until March 1st, and beyond. (Pt. VI)
A few questions and conclusions
Kocharian's decree announcing a state of emergency has a huge legitimacy deficit. The Constitution states that a state of emergency is declared when there is the danger of an immediate threat to the constitutional order. What was the danger threatening the constitutional order on March 1st? The only danger was that the police and the army had transgressed the boundaries of the law and turned into a huge, armed, criminal gang. To the contrary, it is Kocharian's sanctioned state of emergency, itself, that threatens the constitutional order: the opposition is in jail or in detention, newspapers and political parties are in effect shut down, processions and demonstrations are outlawed, the first president is under house arrest, the people are not informed, and the central streets of Yerevan are being monitored by tanks and soldiers bearing automatic rifles. And so then, a question: Is there such a law [justifying the state of emergency] in Armenia? Of course, there is not. In that case, what does it mean? It means that Kocharian has done something (defined a state-of-emergency regime that is legal) for which he is not authorized by the Constitution or the laws. [You,] Aghvan Hovsepian, this is government take-over, and not those laughable tales that you invent with the help of the perchance talentless writers Levon Ananian and Razmik Davoyan. But this is not all. Who has given Robert Kocharian and Seyran Ohanian [chief of staff of Armenian Armed Forces from Gharabagh, appointed MoD under Serj Sarkissian] the right to use the army against a civilian movement and station tanks and soldiers in the streets of Yerevan and to fire upon the people? Cite the law that sanctions anyone to do such a thing. Why were weapons of war used against civilians--why weren't rubber bullets used, at least?
Because Hrand had noticed correctly: to Kocharian and Serj, the people standing in the plaza were not fellow civilians, but enemies. And they typify those enemies as either Armenian citizens, or citizens of Yerevan. And, incidentally, in one of his conferences, Kocharian permitted himself such an expression: "All I have to do is go 'Boo!' and these residents of Yerevan will run away." He was disappointed: they didn't. It became clear after the events of March 1st that the Serjokocharianic government and the Armenian people are genetically incompatible. And the first president's formulation that either Serj will have to leave the country or the people will have to go is as accurate as it is severe.
The government is constantly rattling the drums, announcing that our movement is filled with hatred and that hatred was being preached during the assemblies as well. It is not difficult to disprove this ridiculous assertion. In our processions during the final days, a tradition had sprung up: whenever the procession's participants would come across the police, they would greet them and the people watching the procession from the balconies with fervent applause; whether or not those balconies belonged to slave-monitoring, private, or government-oligarch establishments, they would send them a warm greeting and receive an answer in response. This is, of course, a sign of hatred, the people's mutual hatred of--Rob and Serj.
The people at Freedom plaza would dance and rejoice, literally celebrating their rebirth and taking care of one another. And it is truly disgusting to hear official [state] news say that people had been payed-off to stay at the plaza. With regard to food, I don't know their names, but I remember the faces of tens of people who brought food--hot tea, yogurt soup, bread--to the plaza and distributed it to the people. And, yes, the organizers distributed food as well, because one person would bring $100 worth of food to Freedom plaza, and another would bring the $100, itself, and ask the organizers to use it to take care of the needs of the round-the-clock [sit-in] action. Some people brought medicines, [others] firewood, and [others] warm blankets. And, incidentally, every day at daybreak, Freedom plaza would get cleaned-up and be put into order. And the headquarters of Central precinct was not able to realize trash collection for one day. All of that was done through the means available to and with the help of the assembly participants.
About the organizing of disorderly behavior
From the beginning, Levon Ter-Petrossian defined the founding principle of our struggle--no violence. The February 20th assembly, meaning the first assembly after the elections, was filled with tension. People wanted to seek a solution through force. But Ter-Petrossian resolved that aggressiveness to song and dance in a marvelous way--through celebrations. For ten days there were celebrations at Freedom plaza, complete with the lighting of fires, music, singing, and dancing of Armenian dances. Because of these celebrations, the thievocracy came to hate the people all the more and would repeatedly send envoys to Freedom plaza, not allowing the celebrations to die out. During the ten days of assemblies and processions, not one disorderly or distasteful event took place. The people had arrived at an emotional and spiritual balance. And had the impudent and illegal police violence not taken place, the celebrations would have continued without any distasteful events.
About government take-over
The accusation that the Office of the Prosecutor General is trying to level against us is simply comic. The clause in the Armenian Lawcode is called "Government take-over." Even a schoolboy understands that the origin of this accusation lies with Robert Kocharian and Serj Sarkissian, who have not been elected president of the country, but have taken over the government belonging to the president and the people. In doing so, they have come to a criminal agreement with the Central Electoral Committee, the Precinct Election Commissions, the county directors, and the mayors. The Constitutional Court is likewise an important link in this criminal agreement, perhaps the most pitiful one: cognizant of the law, but weak, spineless, and devoid of pride--a gathering of delicate coquettes.
Did we expect [what happened], by any chance?
For ten years people have been talking about how Kocharian's government is a criminal and murderous government. People asserting such views have mounted the dais [for all that time]. And the first president, who is leading the movement, systematized and in toto presented the governing body's criminal being. That is to say that anything can be expected from such a governing body. In that sense, the events following March 1st were, of course, expected and able to be foreseen. Only, each one of us hoped that there remained in government some trace of reason and morality. Incidentally, we were aware as well of the alarm that was sounded in the internal forces, the police, and the army at daybreak on March 1st, at 5 AM, just like we were aware of the one on February 29th, in the evening.
What is going to happen?
Kocharian and Serj proved that which needed proving: the preservation of their government is a catastrophe for Armenia. The preservation of their government means the loss of Mountainous Gharabagh. The movement must continue with a new momentum. In plazas across Armenia, assemblies must take place, and, in the streets, processions, for as long as the thievocracy has not been overthrown. The struggle must be continued--inside the prisons, in freedom, and underground.
P.S. The Republic of Armenia's first president, in the course of naming the key figures in the thievocracy, forgot to mention His Majesty, head of criminals.